Kaštaritu of Karkaššî: a rebel in the king’s imagination

The Assyrian siege of the Median fortress Kišessim, renamed Kar-Nergal by the Assyrians and turned into the centre of the province of the same name, as shown on a now lost relief from the wall decoration of Room 2 in Sargon II’s palace at Dur-Šarrukin (modern Khorsabad). This type of settlement was common in the Zagros mountains. Drawing from P.-É. Botta and E. Flandin, Monument de Ninive, vol. 1, Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1949, pl. 68bis.

When we think of the Assyrian Empire at its height, we often imagine an unstoppable war machine. The royal inscriptions of kings like Esarhaddon certainly encourage this picture: Assyria is always victorious, its enemies always crushed or submissive, its rulers described as the unquestioned masters of the Near East. Yet if we shift our gaze away from the official record and look instead at other genres of texts, a different story emerges. One in which Assyria’s supremacy was far from guaranteed and local rulers in the empire’s periphery could pose serious challenges.

Nowhere was this more apparent than in the Zagros mountains to Assyria’s east. This rugged region in western Iran was home to dozens of small city-states and tribal groups, each ruled by a local “city-lord” (bēl āli). These rulers were technically Assyrian vassals, bound by treaty to provide troops, tribute, and loyalty. In reality, however, their allegiances were fluid. Some cooperated when it served their interests, others plotted behind the empire’s back, and rivalries among them often flared into violence. To complicate matters further, the Zagros served as a corridor for nomadic powers such as the Cimmerians and Scythians, whose raids could destabilize the region overnight. For Esarhaddon, holding the loyalty of these eastern vassals meant navigating a web of ambitions, rivalries, and external threats.

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Hezekiah of Judah: “caged bird” or thorn in the side?

The Lachish Relief, now in the British Museum, depicting Assyrian soldiers scaling the city walls using siege ramps, battering rams and projectiles. Photo taken by Daan Nijssen.

When we last left King Hezekiah of Judah, he was emerging as one of the most powerful rulers of the Southern Levant. Unlike many of his neighbors, he dared to test the patience of the Assyrian empire. Hezekiah strengthened his kingdom militarily, reformed its religious practices, and looked for openings in the power struggles of the wider Near East. In a world where most local rulers were cautious to the point of submission, Hezekiah stood out for his boldness.

That boldness would soon bring him into direct conflict with Sennacherib, king of Assyria.

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Hezekiah of Judah: a small king in a big world

Kingdoms_of_Israel_and_Judah_map_830.svg: *Oldtidens_Israel_&_Judea.svg: FinnWikiNoderivative work: Richardprins (talk)derivative work: Richardprins, CC BY-SA 3.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0, via Wikimedia Commons

Hezekiah of Judah was the king of a country the size of Luxembourg. His realm consisted mainly of rugged hill country, with just enough farmland to feed its people. The fertile plains of the Shephelah and the wealthy Philistine ports lay tantalizingly close, but just out of reach.

By today’s standards Judah seems tiny. But in its own time it was not unusually small. Most of its neighbors – Ammon, Moab, Edom, the Philistine cities, even Israel – were similar in scale. Their armies were modest, their ambitions restrained by geography, and their prospects for expansion slim. None could grow much larger without outside help.

And yet, within these narrow limits, Hezekiah became one of the most memorable figures of his age. For a brief, dramatic moment he strengthened his state, reshaped his people, and tested the patience of the greatest empire the world had ever seen.

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Paradise Regained: from original sin to the heavenly city

“The Heavenly Jerusalem,” taken from the Apocalypse Tapestry of the Château d’Angers, France. Octave 444, CC BY-SA 4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0, via Wikimedia Commons

In a previous blog, I traced the myth of the Garden of Eden back to its Mesopotamian roots. But this was just the beginning. Before long, Eden became more than just an ancient cautionary tale. It became a theological battleground, a mystical riddle, and a prophetic symbol of humanity’s ultimate destiny. As believers reinterpreted the garden, the myth of paradise stretched far beyond its Mesopotamian roots, reaching into doctrines of sin and salvation, mystical visions of union with God, and apocalyptic hopes for a new heaven and a new earth.

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Paradise Lost: from Mesopotamian gardens to the myth of Eden

Jan Brueghel the Elder and Peter Paul Rubens – The Earthly Paradise with the Fall of Adam and Eve

What comes to mind when you hear the word Paradise? Perhaps you picture a lush garden filled with trees, flowers, and animals. This image is far older than our modern imaginations and has deep roots in the ancient world. In Mesopotamia, the ‘land between the rivers’, the ability to make the desert bloom through irrigation and hydraulics was seen as the very height of civilization. Kings even styled themselves as gardeners. Not hobbyists tending a backyard patch, but rulers who created vast, cultivated gardens within their cities as living symbols of their duty to uphold and restore the divine order.

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A manual for deconstructing Assyrian propaganda

Depiction of Jehu King of Israel giving tribute to King Shalmaneser III of Assyria, on the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III from Nimrud (circa 827 BC) in the British Museum (London).

When the kings of ancient Assyria wanted to tell the world about their achievements, they didn’t publish press releases or give interviews. Instead, they had their deeds carved into stone and clay: lengthy texts that celebrated victories and praised the gods for granting them power. These are the Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: a huge body of texts that give us a direct line into how Assyrian rulers wanted to be remembered.

On the surface, these inscriptions can seem like straightforward historical accounts: the king marched to war, defeated his enemies, and brought back tribute. But it doesn’t take long to realize that they are far from neutral reports. They are propaganda, written to glorify the king and intimidate anyone who might think of resisting. Enemies are always crushed, cities are always captured, and rebellions are always put down. If you take the inscriptions at face value, Assyria looks unstoppable, its rulers larger than life.

And yet, that’s exactly what makes them so fascinating. Hidden behind the bombast are glimpses of the real political world the Assyrians lived in. Why did the king need to emphasize this particular victory? Why describe his enemy in such exaggerated terms? Why repeat certain stock phrases again and again? Reading these texts is a bit like doing a puzzle: you know the pieces are distorted, but with a little practice you can start to see what lies behind the spin.

In this blogpost, I want to share a few rules of thumb: simple strategies historians use to read between the lines of Assyrian propaganda. They won’t solve every mystery, but they can help you approach the inscriptions with a critical eye and appreciate both their artistry and their hidden messages.

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A bold new research project that did not get funded (but let me tell you about it anyway)

You know those moments when you spend months developing an exciting new research idea, pour your heart and soul into a beautifully structured proposal, reread the instructions seventeen times, double-check every footnote — and then don’t get the grant?

Yeah, me too.

Earlier this year, I submitted a proposal for a PhD project called International Relations in the Near East during the Neo-Assyrian Period (c. 1000–609 BCE). The title alone was a page-turner, obviously. And while the proposal was ultimately rejected, I still think the idea is worth sharing — if only so you can see what kind of fascinating research didn’t make it through the system.

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Writing Babylon: on the search for a new form

What’s the best way to write about a world that no longer exists?

That question has followed me for years, from the first time I opened a book on Mesopotamian history to the moment I started sketching the outlines of my third (Dutch) book, now in the works. It’s a book about Babylon. Not the Babylon of clichés and popular imagination, but the real, messy, deeply human Babylon of the sixth century BCE: a city caught in political, religious, and emotional turmoil, where priests still whispered the names of the gods, omens were read in the liver of a sheep, and rumours moved faster than armies.

But how do you write about such a world? How do you bring it to life without flattening it into a simple story or drowning your reader in footnotes?

That’s the challenge I’ve set for myself, and if you’ll indulge me, I’d like to tell you a bit about the road I’ve taken to try and solve it.

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Back to blogging (and thinking big)

Hi there — and welcome (back) to my blog.

If you’ve followed me for a while, you might remember that I used to blog regularly. The topics ranged widely: sometimes about the Ancient Near East, sometimes about something completely different that happened to spark my interest. It was fun and informal, but I’ll admit it never quite found a steady rhythm. I eventually drifted away from it, especially as other writing projects started taking over.

Fast-forward a few years, and I’ve written two books in Dutch about the ancient world — Het wereldrijk van het Tweestromenland and Alle wegen leiden naar Babel — and I’m currently working on a third. That third book is a bit different: for the first time, I’m combining historical reconstruction with fictional elements. It’s set in Babylon, in the tense final months before Cyrus the Great conquered the city, and it’s my way of trying to imagine what it must have felt like to live in a time of political collapse, religious uncertainty, and imperial propaganda. So far, it’s been one of the most rewarding (and challenging) projects I’ve worked on.

But while writing books has brought me a lot, it has also made one thing very clear: writing is lonely. It’s slow, it’s solitary, and by the time a book comes out, I’m often already neck-deep in the next idea. I miss the immediacy of dialogue — the joy of sharing questions, doubts, discoveries, and curiosities as they come up. I miss having a place to explore half-formed thoughts, and to hear what others think in return.

That’s why I’ve decided to return to blogging. But this time, with a clearer sense of what I want to use it for.

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